There are too many speeches to include so I can only offer ones that I think are some
of the very best you can hear or find. These examples are some of the finest and clearest examples of the art.
Rashedul Hasan Stalin
Abraham Lincoln "Gettysburg
Address," Delivered at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, November 19,
and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation: conceived in liberty,
and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.
Now we are engaged in a great
civil war. . .testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated. . . can long endure. We are met on
a great battlefield of that war.
We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those
who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate . . . we cannot consecrate . . . we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living
and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note,
nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.
It is for us the living, rather,
to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us
to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us. . .that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to
that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion. . . that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not
have died in vain. . . that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom. . . and that government of the people.
. .by the people. . .for the people. . . shall not perish from the earth.
Martin Luther King, Jr. "I have a Dream" On the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in WashingtonD.C., August 28, 1963
years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic
shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions
of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night
But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred
years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.
One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.
One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his
own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.
In a sense we have come to our nation's capital
to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of
they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be
guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory
note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a
bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.
We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come
to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also
come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing
drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial
justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from
the quicksand’s of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook
the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate
discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end,
but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening
if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his
citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of
But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into
the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek
to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.
We must forever conduct our struggle
on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.
Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy
which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as
evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom
is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march
ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We
can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways
and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger
one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied
until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.
I am not unmindful that some of you have
come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from
areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.
You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our
northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.
say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is
a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the
true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."
I have a dream
that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at a
table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice
and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four children will
one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping
with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black
girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.
have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made
low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be
revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.
This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South.
With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to
transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to
work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that
we will be free one day.
This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My
country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from
every mountainside, let freedom ring."
And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty
mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!
Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!
But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!
Let freedom ring from
Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!
Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom
When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every
city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants
and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank
God Almighty, we are free at last!"
Winston Churchill "Blood,
Sweat and Tears" House of Commons May 13, 1940
May 13, 1940, newly appointed
British Prime Minister Winston Churchill gave his first speech to the British Parliament in which he prepares them for the
long battle against Nazi aggression, at a time when the very survival of England was in doubt.
On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty
the mission to form a new administration. It was the evident will of' Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived
on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties. I have already completed the most important part
of this task.
A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition, and Liberals,
the unity of the nation. It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and
rigor of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the king tonight. I hope to
complete the appointment of principal ministers during tomorrow.
The appointment of other ministers usually takes
a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will
be complete in all respects. I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned
today. At the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 21 with provision for earlier
meeting if need be. Business for that will be notified to MPs at the earliest opportunity.
I now invite the House
by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government.
"That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation
to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion."
To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary
phase of one of the greatest battles in history. We are in action at many other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean. The air battle is continuing, and many preparations
have to be made here at home.
In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if 1 do not address the House at any length
today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or former colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction
will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.
I say to the House as I
said to ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears, and sweat. We have before
us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.
You ask, what
is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea, and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given
us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That
is our policy.
You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word. It is victory. Victory at all costs - Victory in
spite of all terrors - Victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.
that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.
I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. I feel
entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our
Enter main content here
Enter supporting content here
All rights reserved by Bangladesh Debating Council Created and maintained by Rashedul Hasan Stalin