There are too many speeches to include so I can only offer ones that I think are some
of the very best you can hear or find. These examples are some of the finest and clearest examples of the art.
Rashedul Hasan Stalin
Abraham Lincoln "Gettysburg Address," Delivered at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, November
and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this
continent a new nation: conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.
Now we are engaged in a great
civil war. . .testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated. . . can long endure. We are met on
a great battlefield of that war.
We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those
who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate . . . we cannot consecrate . . . we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living
and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note,
nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.
It is for us the living, rather,
to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us
to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us. . .that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to
that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion. . . that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not
have died in vain. . . that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom. . . and that government of the people.
. .by the people. . .for the people. . . shall not perish from the earth.
Martin Luther King,
have a Dream" On the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in WashingtonD.C., August 28, 1963
years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous
decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.
It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.
But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic
fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles
of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in
the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of
American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.
a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words
of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall
heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her
citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad
check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse
to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this
check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this
hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off
or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation
to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the
time to lift our nation from the quicksand’s of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.
It would be
fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering
summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen
sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content
will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship
rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In
the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for
freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.
We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of
dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must
rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the
Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence
here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to
our freedom. We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn
back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied
as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels
of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can
never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no,
we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.
am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow
cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered
by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned
suffering is redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back
to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow
in the valley of despair.
I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the
moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation
will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the
sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day
even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom
I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the
color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day
the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will
be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys
and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day
every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked
places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.
is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain
of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful
symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to
jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
This will be the day when all
of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."
And if America is to be a great nation this must
become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening
Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!
Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!
Let freedom ring from
the curvaceous peaks of California!
But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain
Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be
able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics,
will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty,
we are free at last!"
Winston Churchill "Blood, Sweat and Tears" House of Commons May 13, 1940
May 13, 1940, newly appointed British Prime Minister Winston Churchill
gave his first speech to the British Parliament in which he prepares them for the long battle against Nazi aggression, at
a time when the very survival of England was
Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration. It was the evident will of' Parliament
and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties. I
have already completed the most important part of this task.
A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing,
with the Labor, Opposition, and Liberals, the unity of the nation. It was necessary that this should be done in one single
day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further
list to the king tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of principal ministers during tomorrow.
of other ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed
and that the administration will be complete in all respects. I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker
that the House should be summoned today. At the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed
until May 21 with provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be notified to MPs at the earliest opportunity.
I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the
"That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united
and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion."
form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary phase
of one of the greatest battles in history. We are in action at many other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the
Mediterranean. The air battle is continuing, and
many preparations have to be made here at home.
In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if 1 do not address the House
at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or former colleagues who are affected by the political
reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.
I say to
the House as I said to ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears, and sweat.
We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.
ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea, and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God
has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime.
That is our policy.
You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word. It is victory. Victory at all costs - Victory
in spite of all terrors - Victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.
that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.
I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. I feel
entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our
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